New Labour and the Labour Market
Although New Labour’s social and economic policies clearly build on foundations
laid by previous Conservative governments, the thinking behind them is not a simple extension of neo-liberalism. Rather these policies involve a much more active role for the state in enhancing competitiveness and increasing labour supply. The Working Families, Tax Credit (WFTC) and its successor,‘working tax credit’, both aim to abolish the ‘unemployment trap’ by increasing in-work benefits so that total working income is significantly greater than out-of-work benefits. The various ‘New Deals’ were financed by a windfall levy on the privatised utilities, and involve using the benefits system as a way of launching a much more organised intervention in the labour market. The largest programme, the New Deal for Young People, makes participation in subsidised employment, training, voluntary work or an ‘environmental task
force’ a condition of receiving benefits after six months of unemployment. The first of the New Deal options for young people pays employers a subsidy to take on workers for a period of at least six months. There has been much debate about the economic effects of this, with some arguing that subsidized employment simply leads to job substitution and overlooks ‘deadweight’. Job substitution occurs where a subsidised worker replaces the job of someone else. ‘Deadweight’ is the term for those unemployed people helped into work through the scheme who would have found work anyway. If these effects are large then employment is not increased, but the employer gains an unnecessary subsidy. Looked at in this way, the apparently large numbers of people placed in jobs by the scheme may be misleading. These arguments have been answered by New Labour’s chief labour market advisor, Richard Layard of the London School of Economics. He and his coauthors argue that these objections regard the number of jobs available as static – the ‘lump of labour’ fallacy (Layard et al., 1991, 1994). What counts is the creation of a dynamic labour market.
新的劳动和劳动力市场
虽然新工党的社会和经济政策，明确建立基础
由前保守党政府下，背后的思想是不是新自由主义的一个简单的扩展。而这些政策涉及国家增强竞争力和提高劳动供给一个更积极的作用。工作家庭，税收抵免（WFTC）和它的后继者，’working税收信用的，都旨在废除通过提高工作效益，工作总收入明显大于失业福利的失业陷阱”。不同的“新政”是通过对私有化的公用事业资助和暴利税，包括使用的福利制度作为一种发射在劳动力市场的一个更组织干预。最大的项目，对于年轻人来说，新的交易，使补贴就业，参与培训，志愿工作或一个环境的任务
力的条件接收的利益在六个月的失业。年轻人的新协议选择第一支付雇主的补贴采取对工人的时间至少为六个月。已经有这样的经济影响的争论，一些人认为就业补贴只会导致工作而忽视的无谓的替代。工作取代发生在补贴职工取代别人的工作。“静”是那些失业的人长期帮助工作通过方案谁会找到工作。如果这些影响是大的再就业不增加，但雇主增加不必要的补贴。从这一角度看，显然是很多人的方案放在工作可能会误导。这些参数已通过新工党的主要劳动力市场顾问李察莱亚德说，伦敦经济学院。他和他的合著者认为，这些反对意见方面的工作可以作为静态–劳动”的错误的块的数量（莱亚德等人。，1991，1994）。最重要的是一个动态的劳动力市场创造。
